Tragedy in Bangladesh (New Delhi, December 1971) INDIRA GANDHI (1917–1984)
July 27, 2020
Tragedy in Bangladesh (New Delhi, December 1971)
INDIRA GANDHI (1917–1984)
Pakistan held its first general election based on adult franchise in the winterof 1970. In East Pakistan, the National Awami League led by Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman won by an overwhelming majority. is provided the
people of Bangladesh an opportunity to strengthen their demands for a
federal constitution, greater recognition of their language and culture, and
more control over their economic resources. Yahya Khan, the Pakistan
President, was unwilling to listen to these demands and postponed the
convening of the National Assembly. e people of East Pakistan went out
in protest and Yahya Khan decided to quell them by force. A regime of
military oppression opened in East Pakistan and there was an influx of
refugees into India. Indira Gandhi had tacitly supported and sponsored the
protests in East Pakistan. She also built up world opinion against atrocities
in East Pakistan. In December, what had been tacit became open.
MAIN SPEECH
In the seven weeks since Parliament recessed, the attention of the entire
country has been focussed on the continuing tragedy in Bangladesh. e
hon’ble members will recall the atmosphere of hope in which we met in
March. We all felt that our country was poised for rapid economic advance
and a more determined attack on the age old poverty of our people. Even as
we were settling down to the new tasks, we have been engulfed by a new
and gigantic problem, not of our making.
On 15 and 16 May, I visited Assam, Tripura, and West Bengal, to share the
suffering of the refugees from Bangladesh, to convey to them the sympathy
and support of this House and the people of India and to see for myself the
arrangements which are being made for their care. I am sorry it was not
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possible to visit other camps this time. Every available building, including
schools and training institutions have been requisitioned. ousands of
tents have been pitched and temporary shelters are being constructed as
quickly as possible in the 335 camps, which have been established so far. In
spite of our best efforts we have not been able to provide shelter to all those
who have come across, and many are still in the open. e district
authorities are under severe strain. Before they can cope with those who are
already here, 60,000 more are coming across every day.
So massive a migration, in so short a time, is unprecedented in recorded
history. About three-and-a-half million people have come into India from
Bangladesh during the last eight weeks. ey belong to every religious
persuasion—Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, and Christian. ey come from
every social class and age group. ey are not refugees in the sense we have
understood this word since Partition. ey are victims of war who have
sought refuge from the military terror across our frontier.
Many refugees are wounded and need urgent medical attention. I saw some
of them in the hospitals I visited in Tripura and West Bengal. Medical
facilities in all our border states have stretched to breaking point.
Equipment for one thousand new hospital beds have been rushed to these
states, including a four-hundred-bed mobile hospital, generously donated
by the Government of Rajasthan. Special teams of surgeons, physicians,
nurses, and public health experts have, been deputed to the major camps.
Special water supply schemes are being executed on the highest priority, and
preventive health measures are being undertaken on a large scale
In our sensitive border states, which are facing the brunt, the attention of
the local administration has been diverted from normal and development
work to problems of camp administration, civil supplies and security. But
our people have put the hardships of the refugees above their own, and have
stood firm against the attempts of Pakistani agents-provocateurs to cause
communal strife. I am sure this fine spirit will be maintained.
On present estimates, the cost to the central exchequer on relief alone may
exceed Rs. 180 crores for a period of six months. All this, as the hon’ble
members will appreciate, has imposed an unexpected burden on us.
I was heartened by the fortitude with which these people of Bangladesh
have borne tribulation, and by the hope which they have for their future. It
is mischievous to suggest that India has had anything to do with what
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happened in Bangladesh. is is an insult to the aspirations and
spontaneous sacrifices of the people of Bangladesh, and a calculated attempt
by the rulers of Pakistan to make India the scapegoat for their own
misdeeds. It is also a crude attempt to deceive the world community. e
world press has seen through Pakistan’s deception. e majority of these socalled
Indian infiltrators are women, children and the aged.
is House has considered many national and international issues of vital
importance to our country. But none of them has touched us so deeply as
the events in Bangladesh. When faced with a situation of such gravity, it is
specially important to weigh every word in acquainting this House, and our
entire people with the issues involved and the responsibilities which now
devolve on us all.
ese twenty-three years and more, we have never tried to interfere with
the internal affairs of Pakistan, even though they have not exercised similar
restraint. And even now we do not seek to interfere in any way. But what
has actually happened? What was claimed to be an internal problem of
Pakistan, has also become an internal problem for India. We are, therefore,
entitled to ask Pakistan to desist immediately from all activities which it is
taking in the name of domestic jurisdiction, and which vitally affect the
peace and well-being of millions of our own citizens. Pakistan cannot be
allowed to seek a solution of its political or other problems at the expense of
India and on Indian soil.
Has Pakistan the right to compel at bayonet point not hundreds, not
hundreds of thousands, but millions of its citizens to flee their home? For us
it is an intolerable situation. e fact that we are compelled to give refuge
and succour to these unfortunate millions cannot be used as an excuse to
push more and more people across our border.
We are proud of our tradition of tolerance. We have always felt contrite and
ashamed of our moments of intolerance. Our nation, our people are
dedicated to peace and are not given to talking in terms of war or threat of
war. But I should like to caution our people that we may be called upon to
bear still heavier burdens.
e problems which confront us are not confined to Assam, Meghalaya,
Tripura, and West Bengal. ey are national problems. Indeed the basic
problem is an international one.
W h h k h f h ld h h
We have sought to awaken the conscience of the world through our
representatives abroad and the representatives of foreign government in
India. We have appealed to the United Nations, and, at long last, the true
dimensions of the problem seem to be making themselves felt in some of
the sensitive chanceries of the world. However, I must confess with the
House our disappointment at the unconscionably long time which the
world is taking to react to this stark tragedy.
Not only India but every country has to consider its interest. I think I am
expressing the sentiments of this august House and of our people when I
raise my voice against the wanton destruction of peace, good
neighbourliness and elementary principles of humanity by the insensate
action of the military rulers of Pakistan. ey are threatening the peace and
stability of the vast segment of humanity represented by India.
We welcome Secretary General U. ant’s public appeal. We are glad that a
number of states have either responded or are in the process of doing so.
But time is the essence of the matter. Also, the question of giving relief to
these millions of people is only part of the problem. Relief cannot be
perpetual or permanent; and we do not wish it to be so. Conditions must be
created to stop any further influx of refugees and to ensure their early return
under creditable guarantees for their future safety and well-being. I say with
all sense of responsibility that unless this happens, there can be no lasting
stability or peace on this subcontinent. We have pleaded with the other
powers to recognize this. If the world does not take heed, we shall be
constrained to take all measures as may be necessary to ensure our own
security and the preservation and development of the structure of our social
and economic life.
We are convinced that there can be no military solution to the problem of
East Bengal. A political solution must be brought about by those who have
the power to do so. World opinion is a great force. It can influence even the
most powerful. e great powers have a special responsibility. If they
exercise their power rightly and expeditiously, then only we can look
forward to durable peace on our subcontinent. But if they fail—and I
sincerely hope that they will not—then this suppression of human rights,
the uprooting of people, and the continued homelessness of vast numbers of
human beings will threaten peace.
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is situation cannot be tackled in a partisan spirit or in terms of party
politics. e issues involved concern every citizen. I hope that this
Parliament, our country and the people will be ready to accept the necessary
hardships so that we can discharge our responsibilities to our own people as
well as to the millions, who have fled from a region of terror to take
temporary refuge here.
All this imposes on us heavy obligations and the need for stern national
discipline. We shall have to make many sacrifices. Our factories and farms
must produce more. Our railways and our entire transport and
communication system must work uninterruptedly. is is no time for any
interplay of regional or sectional interests. Everything must be subordinated
to sustain our economic, social and political fabric and to reinforce national
solidarity. I appeal to every citizen, every man, woman, and child to be
imbued with the spirit of service and sacrifice of which, I know, this nation
is capable.