The opening of the Indian National Congress (Bombay, December 1885) WOMESH CHANDRA BONERJEE (1844–1906)

The opening of the Indian National Congress (Bombay,
December 1885)
WOMESH CHANDRA BONERJEE (1844–1906)

By the 1880s, English educated Indians had formed themselves into two

political camps. One around Surendranath Banerjea in Calcutta, and

another around Alan Octavian Hume in Bombay. In 1885 Hume

summoned the Indian National Congress in Bombay and W.C. Bonerjee, a

highly successful barrister-at-law in Calcutta, was made the first president.

Bonerjee was so anglicized that he had changed his family name, Banerjee.

He later went to live and die in London, but wanted his last rites to be

performed in Benares. His great rival in Calcutta politics was Surendranath,

who could not attend the Congress because he received the invitation too

late. Surendranath organized the Indian National Conference, which was

merged with the Congress the next year at Hume’s behest. ere was, in

these initial years, a great deal of tension between the Bengal and Bombay

delegates of the Congress. e former were not prepared to join, in the

words of one member, ‘in the role of the hubble-bubble bearer (hukkabardar)

of anybody else.’ e aims and demands of the early Congress were

moderate but its significance lay in the fact that it was the first all-India

body established to articulate the grievances and demands of Indians. e

Congress confined itself, in its early years, to petitioning the government to

reform its un-British character by ending economic exploitation and racial

discrimination. In this opening address, the message of loyalism stands out

—the Congress was happy to be Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition. Yet the

Congress within a few years would spearhead the Indian national

movement.

I fi f h h d ll

It seems a fitting occasion for answering a question that had continually

been asked in the outside world during the past few weeks, namely, what

the objects and aims of this great national Congress really were. I would not

pretend to reply to this question exhaustively. e ensuing proceedings

would, I believe, do this more effectively than any single speaker could hope

to; but I may say briefly, that the objectives of the Congress could for the

most part be classified under the following heads:

(a) e promotion of personal intimacy and friendship amongst the more

earnest workers who further our country’s cause in the different parts of the

Empire.

(b) e eradication, by direct, friendly personal intercourse, of all possible

race, creed, or provincial prejudices amongst all lovers of our country, and

the fuller development and consolidation of those sentiments of national

unity that had their origin in their beloved Lord Ripon’s most memorable

reign.

(c) e authoritative record has been carefully elicited by the fullest

discussion of the matured opinions of the educated classes in India on some

of the more important and pressing social questions of the day.

(d) e determination of the lines upon, and methods by which, during the

next twelve months, it is desirable for native politicians to labour in the

public interest.

Surely there is nothing in these objects to which any sensible and

unprejudiced man could possibly take exception to. Yet, on more than one

occasion remarks have been made by gentlemen, who should have been

wiser, condemning the proposed Congress as if it was a nest of conspirators

and disloyalists. Let him say once and for all, and this I know well after the

long informal discussion we had among ourselves the previous day, that I

am expressing the sentiments of every gentleman present, that there are no

more thoroughly loyal and consistent well-wishers of the British

government than myself and the friends around me. In meeting to discuss

in an orderly and peaceable manner questions of vital importance affecting

our wellbeing, we are following the only course by which the Constitution

of England enables us to represent our views to the ruling authority. Much

has been done by Great Britain for the benefit of India and the entire

country is truly grateful to her for it. She has given us order, she has given

us railways, and above all, she has given us the inestimable blessing of

W d B d l ll b d 

Western education. But a great deal still remains to be done. e more

progress the people make in education and material prosperity, the greater

would be the insight into political matters and the keener our desire for

political advancement. I think that our desire to be governed according to

the principles prevalent in Europe is in no way incompatible with our

loyalty to the British government. All that we desire is that the basis of the

government be widened and that the people should have their proper and

legitimate share in it. e discussion that will take place in this Congress

will, he believed, be as advantageous to the ruling authorities as, I am sure it

will be, to the people at large.