The dawn of freedom (New Delhi, August 1947) SARVEPALLI RADHAKRISHNAN (1888–1975)

The dawn of freedom (New Delhi, August 1947) SARVEPALLI RADHAKRISHNAN (1888–1975)

This speech has an interesting, if little known, origin. Nehru had requested

Radhakrishnan to speak after him on the night of August 14th at the

Indian Constituent Assembly. With the request came a directive. Nehru

told Radhakrishnan once he was called upon to speak, he should continue

till midnight so that the assembly could then proceed to take the pledge.

us Radhakrishnan was part of what his biographer called ‘an oratorical

time-bound relay race.’ Radhakrishnan ended precisely at the appointed

minute to enable Nehru to administer the pledge. e historian S. Gopal,

who wrote biographies of both Nehru and Radhakrishnan, described the

performance as ‘an unparalleled combination of two masters, in very

different ways, of the public art.’

main speech

Mr President, Sir, it is not necessary for me to speak at any great length on

this resolution so impressively moved by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and

seconded by Mr Khaliquzzaman. History and legend will grow round this

day. It marks a milestone in the march of our democracy. A significant date

it is in the drama of the Indian people who are trying to rebuild and

transform themselves. rough a long night of waiting, a night full of

fateful portents and silent prayers for the dawn of freedom, of haunting

spectres of hunger and death, our sentinels kept watch, the lights were

burning bright, till at last the dawn is breaking and we greet it with the

utmost enthusiasm. When we are passing from a state of serfdom, a state of

slavery and subjection to one of freedom and liberation, it is an occasion for

rejoicing. at it is being effected in such an orderly and dignified way is a

matter for gratification.

M A l k h bl d h H f C h h d

Mr Attlee spoke with visible pride in the House of Commons when he said

that this is the first great instance of a strong Imperialist power transferring

its authority to a subject people whom it ruled with force and firmness for

nearly two centuries. For a parallel he cited the British withdrawal from

South Africa; but it is nothing comparable in scale and circumstances to the

British withdrawal from this country. When we see what the Dutch are

doing in Indonesia, when we see how the French are clinging to their

possessions, we cannot but admire the political sagacity and courage of the

British people. (Cheers)

We on our side, have also added a chapter to the history of the World.

Look at the way in which subject peoples in history won their freedom. Let

us also consider the methods by which power was acquired. How did men

like Washington, Napoleon, Cromwell, Lenin, Hitler and Mussolini get

into power? Look at the methods of blood and steel, of terrorism and

assassination, of bloodshed and anarchy by which these so called great men

of the world came into the possession of power. Here in this land under the

leadership of one who will go down in history as perhaps the greatest man

of our age (loud cheers) we have opposed patience to fury, quietness of spirit

to bureaucratic tyranny and are acquiring power through peaceful and

civilized methods. What is the result? e transition is being effected with

the least bitterness, with utterly no kind of hatred at all. e very fact that

we are appointing Lord Mountbatten as the Governor-General of India,

shows the spirit of understanding and friendliness in which this whole

transition is being effected. (Cheers)

You, Mr President, referred to the sadness in our hearts, to the sorrow

which also clouds our rejoicings. May I say that we are in an essential sense

responsible for it also though not entirely.

From 1600, Englishmen have come to this country-priests and nuns,

merchants and adventurers, diplomats and statesmen, missionaries and

idealists. ey bought and sold, marched and fought, plotted and profited,

helped and healed. e greatest among them wished to modernize the

country, to raise its intellectual and moral standards, its political status. ey

wished to regenerate the whole people. But the small among them worked

with sinister objective. ey tried to increase the disunion in the country,

made the country poorer, weaker and more disunited. ey also have had

their chance now. e freedom we are attaining is the fulfilment of this dual

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tendency among British administrators. While India is attaining freedom,

she is attaining it in a manner which does not produce joy in the hearts of

people or a radiant smile on their faces. Some of those who were charged

with the responsibility for the administration of this country, tried to

accentuate communal consciousness and bring about the present result

which is a logical outcome of the policies adopted by the lesser minds of

Britain. But I would never blame them. Were we not victims, ready victims,

so to say, of the separatist tendencies foisted on us? Should we not now

correct our national faults of character, our domestic despotism, our

intolerance which has assumed the different forms of obscurantism of

narrow-mindedness, of superstitious bigotry? Others were able to play on

our weakness because we had them. I would like therefore to take this

opportunity to call for self examination, for a searching of hearts. We have

gained but we have not gained in the manner we wished to gain and if we

have, not done so, the responsibility is our own. And when this pledge says

that we have to serve our country, we can best serve our country by

removing these fundamental defects which have prevented us from gaining

the objective of a free and united India. Now that India is divided, it is our

duty not to indulge in words of anger. ey lead us nowhere. We must avoid

passion. Passion and wisdom never go together. e body politic may be

divided but the body historic lives on. (Hear, hear). Political divisions,

physical partitions, are external but the psychological divisions are deeper.

e cultural cleavages are the more dangerous. We should not allow them

to grow. What we should do is to preserve those cultural ties, those spiritual

bonds which knit our peoples together into one organic whole. Patient

consideration, slow process of education, adjustment to one another’s needs,

the discovery of points of view which are common to both the dominions in

the matter of communications, defence, foreign affairs, these are the things

which should be allowed to grow in the daily business of life and

administration. It is by developing such attitudes that we can once again

draw near and gain the lost unity of this country. at is the only way to it.

Our opportunities are great but let me warn you that when power outstrips

ability, we will fall on evil days. We should develop competence and ability

which would help us to utilize the opportunities which are now open to us.

From tomorrow morning—from midnight today—we cannot throw the

blame on the Britisher. We have to assume the responsibility ourselves for

what we do. A free India will be judged by the way in which it will serve the

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interests of the common man in the matter of food, clothing, shelter and

the social services. Unless we destroy corruption in high places, root out

every trace of nepotism, love of power, profiteering and black-marketing

which have spoiled the good name of this great country in recent times, we

will not be able to raise the standards of efficiency in administration as well

as in the production and distribution of the necessary goods of life.

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru referred to the great contribution which this

country will make to the promotion of world peace and the welfare of

mankind. e—chakra, the Asokan wheel, which is there in the flag

embodies for us a great idea, Asoka, the greatest of our emperors. Look at

the words of H.G. Wells regarding him, ‘Highnesses, Magnificences,

Excellencies, Serenities, Majesties—among them all, he shines alone a star

Asoka the greatest of all monarchs.’ He cut into rock his message for the

healing of discords. If there are differences, the way in which you can solve

them is by promoting concord. Concord is the only way by which we can

get rid of differences. ere is no other method which is open to us.

We are lucky in having for our leader one who is a world citizen, who is

essentially a humanist, who possesses a buoyant optimism and robust good

sense in spite of the perversity of things and the hostility of human affairs.

We see the way in which his department interfered actively and in a timely

manner in the Indonesian dispute. (Loud applause) It shows that if India

gains freedom, that freedom will be used not merely for the well-being of

India but for Vishva Kalyana, that is, world peace, the welfare of mankind.

Our pledge tells us that this ancient land shall attain her rightful and

honoured place. We take pride in the antiquity of this land for it is a land

which has been nearly four or five millenniums of history. It has passed

through many vicissitudes and at the moment it stands, still responding to

the thrill of the same great ideal. Civilization is a thing of the spirit, it is not

something external, solid, and mechanical. It is the dream in the people’s

hearts. It is the inward aspiration of the people’s souls. It is the imaginative

interpretation of the human life and the perception of the mystery of

human existence. at is what civilization actually stands for. We should

bear in mind these great ideals which have been transmitted to us across the

ages. In this great time of our history we should bear ourselves humbly

before God, brace ourselves to this supreme task which is confronting us

and conduct ourselves in a manner that is worthy of the ageless spirit of

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India. If we do so, I have no doubt that, the future of this land will be as

great as its once glorious past.

Sarvabhutdisahamatmanam

Sarvabhutani catmani

Sampasyam atmayajivai

Saarwjyam adhigachati

Swarajya is the development of that kind of tolerant attitude which sees in

brother man the face divine. Intolerance has been the greatest enemy of our

progress. Tolerance of one another’s views, thoughts and beliefs is the only

remedy that we can possibly adopt. erefore I support with very great

pleasure this resolution which asks us as the representatives of the people of

India to conduct ourselves in all humility in the service of our country and

the word ‘humility’ here means that we are by ourselves very insignificant.

Our efforts by themselves cannot carry us to a long distance. We should

make ourselves dependent on that other than ourselves which makes for

righteousness. e note of humility means the unimportance, of the

individual and the supreme importance of the unfolding purpose which we

are called upon to serve. So in a mood of humility, in a spirit of dedication

let us take this pledge as soon as the clock strikes twelve.