The dangerous cult of absolute non-violence (Madurai, December 1940) V.D. SAVARKAR (1883–1966)

The dangerous cult of absolute non-violence (Madurai, December 1940) V.D. SAVARKAR (1883–1966)


Savarkar had been a militant revolutionary before he became a champion of
Hindutva. In 1907, on the fiftieth anniversary of the revolt of 1857, he had
held up the uprising’s armed and united (Hindu and Muslim) resistance to
the British as a model for action in the present. He was convinced that
British rule could be overthrown only through violence and his hatred for
non-violence was visceral. He argued that non-violence made men
effeminate. He delivered this speech at the twenty-second session of the
Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha. His views were the ideological
inspiration for Nathuram Godse who became Savarkar’s protégé. ere is a
direct link between Savarkar’s views and those of Godse as put forward in
his trial speech.


main speech

Relative non-violence on the whole, is doubtless a virtue so pre-eminently
contributing to human good as to form one of the fundamentals on which
human life whether individual or social can take its stand and evolve all
social amenities. But absolute non-violence, that is, non-violence under all
circumstances and even when instead of helping human life whether
individual or national it causes an incalculable harm to humanity as a whole,
ought to be condemned as a moral perversity. It is on the whole condemned
likewise by those very religious and moral schools which lauded relative
non-violence as the first and foremost human virtue.
It should be noted in particular that the ahimsa preached by Buddhism or
Jainism is directly opposed to the absolute ahimsa or the absolute nonl
G dh d ll d d ll
violence as Gandhiji interprets it, condemning all armed resistance under all
circumstances. e very fact that the Jains reared up kingdoms, produced
heroes and heroines who fought armed battles and Jain commanders in
chief leading Jain armies without being ostracized by the Jain acharyas,
prove the point to the hilt that the ahimsa of the Jains cannot be the rabid
ahimsa of the Gandhist school. e Jain scriptures openly assert that armed
resistance to incorrigible aggression is not only justifiable but imperative.
Lord Buddha also gave the same ruling when questioned by the leaders of a
clan as to whether they should take to armed resistance as soldiers against
the armed aggression, of another clan. ‘Soldiers may fight against armed
aggression,’ said Lord Buddha, ‘without committing a sin if but they fight
with arms in defence of a righteous cause.’
Call it a law of nature or the will of God as you like, the hard fact remains
that there is no room for absolute non-violence in nature.
Man could not have saved himself from utter extinction and nor could he
have led the precarious and wretched life of a coward had he not succeeded
in adding the strength of artificial arms to his natural arms. roughout the
paleolithic and neolithic periods, the bronze age and the iron age, man
could maintain himself, multiply and master this earth chiefly through his
armed strength. In all honesty, the ‘defensive sword was the first saviour of
man’.
You may perhaps add something new to history but you cannot add to or
take away a syllable from the iron law of nature itself. Even today if man
hands over a blank cheque to a wolf or a tiger to be filled in, with a human
pledge of absolute non-violence, no killing of a living being, no armed force
to be used, even then the wolves and the tigers will lay waste all your
mandirs and mosques, culture and cultivation and ashrams. In face of such
an iron law of nature can anything be more immoral and sinful than to
preach a principle so anti-human as that of absolute nonviolence
condemning all armed resistance even to aggression? Yet it is curious to find
that even those who condemn this doctrine of absolute non-violence as
impracticable, still seem to believe that though it is impracticable for us
worldly men, this doctrine is nevertheless highly moral and evince some
mahatmaic excellence, some superhuman sanctity. is apologetic tone
must be changed. It raises these prophets of this eccentric doctrine in their
own estimation and makes them feel they had really invented some moral
l h l d l l S h h
law raising human politics to some divine level. Seeing that even their
opponents on practical grounds attribute to them a superhuman saintliness
owing to the very eccentricity of their doctrine, they grow, perhaps
unconsciously all the more eccentric and have the insane temerity to preach
in all seriousness to the Indian public that even the taking up of a lathi
(stick) is sinful. e best means of freeing India from the foreign yoke is the
spinning-wheel. Not only that, but even after India becomes independent
there would not be any necessity of maintaining a single armed soldier or a
single warship to protect in the streets, and that there are men who after
passing the intermediate examination are engaged as cycle peons. ere are
LLBs who have accepted very humble positions in the excise, registration
department and other departments—positions which they would not be
allowed to accept in England by virtue of certain traditions of the English
bar. Taking the practical view of the position, may I be permitted to ask
how long can any government and how long can any society, shut its eyes to
the reality of the situation? How long can it profess to be a martyr to this
illusive cry of knowledge and culture if that is going to be the end of our
young men? People in England, France, Switzerland, and Italy have realized
this and they are now giving a different turn to their education.
Do not go away with the idea at all that I am opposed to university
education. Frankly, I would throw open the doors of universities as wide as
possible to everyone of you, provided I was assured that you would benefit
by that education and provided I was assured that you would then, after you
have completed your university education, become useful economic units of
society and useful members of the Indian community.