Give me blood and I promise you freedom! (Burma, July 1944) SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE (1897–1945)

Give me blood and I promise you freedom! (Burma, July
1944)
SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE (1897–1945)

After escaping from his house arrest in Calcutta in 1941, Bose went

overland to Germany where he set up the India Legion. Facing difficulties

in Germany, he arrived in Japanese-controlled Singapore by submarine in

July 1943. In Singapore he organized the Azad Hind Government (‘a

provisional government of free India’ which was recognized by nine Axis

states) and the Indian National Army. Between March and June 1944, this

army fought the British on Indian soil, alongside Japanese troops. e

campaign ended in failure but Bose refused to give up hope. He believed, as

this speech reveals, that the British were losing the war and this presented

Indians a golden opportunity to win their freedom. is is perhaps Bose’s

best known speech. Delivered at a rally to motivate the soldiers of the

Indian National Army, it is famous for its final, still powerful, phrase

main speech

Friends! Twelve months ago a new programme of ‘total mobilization’ or

‘maximum sacrifice’ was placed before Indians in East Asia. Today I shall

give you an account of our achievements during the past year and shall place

before you our demands for the coming year. But, before I do so, I want you

to realize once again what a golden opportunity we have for winning

freedom. e British are engaged in a worldwide struggle and in the course

of this struggle they have suffered defeat after defeat on so many fronts. e

enemy having been thus considerably weakened, our fight for liberty has

become very much easier than it was five years ago. Such a rare and Godgiven

opportunity comes once in a century. at is why we have sworn to

f ll l h f l b h l d f h B h

fully utilize this opportunity for liberating our motherland from the British

yoke.

I am so very hopeful and optimistic about the outcome of our struggle,

because I do not rely merely on the efforts of three million Indians in East

Asia. ere is a gigantic movement going on inside India and millions of

our countrymen are prepared for maximum suffering and sacrifice in order

to achieve liberty. Unfortunately, ever since the great fight of 1857, our

countrymen are disarmed, whereas the enemy is armed to the teeth.

Without arms and without a modern army, it is impossible for a disarmed

people to win freedom in this modern age. rough the grace of Providence

and through the help of generous Nippon, it has become possible for

Indians in East Asia to get arms to build up a modern army. Moreover,

Indians in East Asia are united to a man in the endeavour to win freedom

and all the religious and other differences that the British tried to engineer

inside India, simply do not exist in East Asia. Consequently, we have now

an ideal combination of circumstances favouring the success of our struggle

—and all that is wanted is that Indians should themselves come forward to

pay the price of liberty. According to the programme of ‘total mobilization’,

I demanded of you men, money, and materials. Regarding men, I am glad

to tell you that I have obtained sufficient recruits already. Recruits have

come to us from every corner of east Asia—from China, Japan, Indo-

China, Philippines, Java, Borneo, Celebes, Sumatra, Malaya, ailand, and

Burma…

You must continue the mobilization of men, money and materials with

greater vigour and energy, in particular, the problem of supplies and

transport has to be solved satisfactorily.

We require more men and women of all categories for administration and

reconstruction in liberated areas. We must be prepared for a situation in

which the enemy will ruthlessly apply the scorched earth policy, before

withdrawing from a particular area and will also force the civilian

population to evacuate as was attempted in Burma.

e most important of all is the problem of sending reinforcements in men

and in supplies to the fighting fronts. If we do not do so, we cannot hope to

maintain our success at the fronts. Nor can we hope to penetrate deeper

into India.

 f h ll k h H F h ld

ose of you who will continue to work on the Home Front should never

forget that East Asia—and particularly Burma—form our base for the war

of liberation. If this base is not strong, our fighting forces can never be

victorious. Remember that this is a ‘total war’—and not merely a war

between two armies. at is why for a full one year I have been laying so

much stress on ‘total mobilization’ in the East.

ere is another reason why I want you to look after the Home Front

properly. During the coming months I and my colleagues on the War

Committee of the Cabinet desire to devote our whole attention to the

fighting front—and also to the task of working up the revolution inside

India. Consequently, we want to be fully assured that the work at the base

will go on smoothly and uninterruptedly even in our absence.

Friends, one year ago, when I made certain demands of you, I told you that

if you give me ‘total mobilization’, I would give you a ‘second front’. I have

redeemed that pledge. e first phase of our campaign is over. Our

victorious troops, fighting side by side with Nipponese troops, have pushed

back the enemy and are now fighting bravely on the sacred soil of our dear

motherland.

Gird up your loins for the task that now lies ahead. I had asked you for

men, money and materials. I have got them in generous measure. Now I

demand more of you. Men, money and materials cannot by themselves

bring victory or freedom. We must have the motive power that will inspire

us to brave deeds and heroic exploits.

It will be a fatal mistake for you to wish to live and see India free simply

because victory is now within reach. No one here should have the desire to

live to enjoy freedom. A long fight is still in front of us. We should have but

one desire today—the desire to die so that India may live—the desire to face

a martyr’s death, so that the path to freedom may be paved with the

martyr’s blood.

Friends! My comrades in the War of Liberation! Today I demand of you

one thing, above all. I demand of you blood. It is blood alone that can

avenge the blood that the enemy has spilt. It is blood alone that can pay the

price of freedom. Give me blood and I promise you freedom!

e great Calcutta killings (Calcutta, September 1946)

SHYAMAPROSAD MOOKERJEA (1901–1953)

August 16, 1946 had been declared Direct Action Day by the Muslim

League to achieve Pakistan. Jinnah said, ‘today we bid goodbye to

constitutional methods’ and the chief minister of Bengal, Hassan Shaheed

Suhrawardy, had made the day a public holiday so that administrative

control would be relatively lax. Massive communal riots broke out and the

streets of Calcutta became a battleground between Muslims, Hindus and

Sikhs. e police remained inactive and the army moved in only after

twenty-four hours of murder and mayhem. In the Bengal Legislative

Assembly, Shyamaprosad Mookerjea, President of the Hindu Mahasabha

party, was among the first to take up the matter. In this speech he rips into

the Muslim League government for its inaction and its complicity in the

killings.

Sir, since yesterday we have been discussing the motions of no-confidence

under circumstances, which perhaps have no parallel in the deliberations of

any Legislature in any part of the civilized world. What happened in

Calcutta is without a parallel in modern history. St Bartholomew’s Day of

which history records some grim events of murder and butchery pales into

insignificance compared to the brutalities that were committed in the

streets, lanes and bye-lanes of this first city of British India. We have been

discussing, Sir, as to the genesis of these disturbances. Time will not permit

me to go through the detailed history and course of events during the last

few years.

But let me say this that what has happened is not the result of a sudden

explosion, but it is the culmination of an administration, inefficient, corrupt

d l h h h d fi d h l f f h P B

and communal, which has disfigured the life of this great Province. But so

far as the immediate cause is concerned, rightly reference has been made by

members belonging to the Muslim League and also to the Opposition that

we have to look to the resolution that was passed at Bombay at the all-India

session of the Council of the Muslim League. Now what happened there? It

is said, on behalf of the Muslim League that the Cabinet Mission proved

faithless to Muslim interests and thereby created a situation which had no

parallel in the history of Anglo-Muslim relationship in this country. What

did actually the Cabinet Mission do? e Muslim League, the spoilt and

pampered child of the British imperialists for the last thirty years, was

disowned for the first time by the British Labour Government…(loud noise

from the government benches)…I know it that members when they hear

the bitter truth, can hardly repress their feelings. Sir, the fact remains that

the old policy of the British Government of no advancement without a

Congress-Muslim League agreement was for the first time given up in

I946…(loud cries from the government benches)…I have only stated the

fact and I do not make any comment on it and still my friends become

impatient immediately. Now, the fact remains that the Muslim League was

bypassed and the Interim Government has been formed at the Centre.

Supposing Mr Jinnah had been asked to form the Interim Government

without the Congress, would my friends belonging to the Muslim League

have then blamed the government for having betrayed the interests of the

Hindu community?

Sir, what happened after the Bombay resolution? I have before me a

summary of the speeches delivered by distinguished spokesmen on behalf of

the Muslim League in every part of India and although it was said that the

Direct Action Day itself was not the day for commencing direct action, it

was at the same time pointed out that the war had begun, the days of peace

and compromise were over and now the jehad … (A member from the

Government Benches: Against whom?) War against everyone who did not

accept Pakistan. at has been made abundantly clear.

I would ask my friends not to misunderstand me. I am trying to put in brief

their point of view as I would ask them also to appreciate our point of view.

We are like poles asunder. You say you will plunge the country Pakistan by

any means whatsoever. ese two points of view are irreconcilable and what

I am now telling the House is this that the members speaking on behalf of

the Muslim League did not mince matters. Muslim leaders want Civil War.

O l f l d M J h d h

Only a pattern of civil war, according to Mr Jinnah, was witnessed in this

very city of Calcutta, but whether civil war will ultimately help Muslims to

get Pakistan or not is a matter that remains yet to be seen. It is said that

British Imperialists are against the Muslim League. Why talk rot in this

way? Who gave you separate electorate and communal award? Who is

helping the Sind ministry to remain in power? Is not the Governor a British

Governor? Are not the three European members of the Sind Assembly

British members of that House? Are they not trying their level best

somehow to keep the Muslim League in power and not allow the Congress

to go to office although among the Indian members they are in a majority?

Now, Sir, I shall leave this aside. I shall not refer to the detailed speeches

which have been delivered by the Muslim League leaders barring one or

two illustrative remarks. When Mr Jinnah was confronted at a preconference

in Bombay on the 31st July and was asked whether direct action

involved violence or non-violence, his cryptic reply was ‘I am not going to

discuss ethics’. (e Hon’ble Mr Muhammad Ali: Good.) But Khwajah

Nazimuddin was not so good. He came out very bluntly in Bengal and he

said that Muslims did not believe in non-violence at all, Muslims knew

what direct action meant and there were one hundred and one ways in

which this was made clear by responsible League leaders. One said in the

Punjab that the zero hour had struck and that the war had begun. All this

was followed by a series of articles and statements which appeared in the

columns of newspapers—the Morning News, the Star of India, and the

Azad. If you read those documents, particularly I would ask my friend Mr

Ispahani if he reads those documents, I do not know whether he had learnt

Bengali yet, if not, for his benefit a translation can be made of the Bengali

article in Azad, he will be able to find out that there was nothing but open

and direct incitement to violence. Hatred of Hindus and jehad on the

Hindu were declared in highly charged language. at was the background.

I am not going to quote the papers, for I have not the time. You have read

them and the general Muslim public have acted according to the

instructions.

Now, so far as the later events are concerned, what happened on the 16th of

August. What were the preparations made? Mr Ispahani says that they were

taken unaware. In the Morning News on the 16th there appeared an

announcement on behalf of the ‘Pakistan’ Ambulance Corps and there full

instructions were given as to how the Ambulance Corps was to act—mind

S h d b f h bl d  ‘P k

you, Sir, this was done before the troubles started. is ‘Pakistan

Ambulance Corps’ was to be utilized in different parts of the city; they were

to go out in batches, cars and officers ‘would be available’ and from the 17th

morning announcement was to be made every hour as regards the patients

who were to be found in the different hospitals of Calcutta. is was

announced before any trouble started in Calcutta and Mr Ispahani says

there was no preparation. Of course it was sheer bad luck that you allowed

this notice, among many kinds of preparations, to be published in the

newspapers.

Now, Sir, what happened on the 16th? I shall not refer to the detailed

speeches of other members. But I shall certainly hold responsible the Chief

Minister of this province who lost his mental balance by saying in Bombay

that he was going to declare Bengal to be an independent state. A minister

who cannot control his British underling—the Commissioner of Police—is

going to make Bengal an independent state! A minister who comes forward

and says ‘I am helpless, I could not save the people of the city because the

Commissioner of Police would not listen to me’ will declare Bengal an

independent state! Now, that was Mr Suhrawardy. He said he was going to

carry on a no-rent campaign in this province. He was going to disobey law

and order. His speech before the Legislative Council goes to show that he

knew fully well that troubles were ahead. If you analyse his speech it will

appear that he knew that troubles were brewing and he said he wanted to be

as careful as possible.

I am not raising the question in this debate as to how many Hindus were

butchered or how many Muslims were butchered in Bhawanipore, Taltolla,

or Watgunge. at is not the issue. e question in issue today is, did

government succeed in protecting life and property; not to which

community that life and property belonged? Why did government allow so

many Muslim lives to be butchered if you look upon Mr Suhrawardy as the

great Muslim champion? Why did he allow the entire administration of law

and order to collapse in the city? I shall say, Sir, it was a diabolical plan. I

say Sir, there was a well-organized plan to make a lightning attack on the

city that would take Hindus by surprise, properties were going to be looted

and lives were going to be lost. en Mr Suhrawardy found that he was

caught in his own trap when he and others were hit back in their own coin.

He could not regain his lost ground and failed to do what his Muslim

brethren asked him to do in agony and distress.

O h h h f h h d h

On the 16th, our case is that provocation came from the other side, their

case is that provocation came from the Hindu side. at also I am not

going to discuss today. Let us leave that for the time being, but let us

proceed to the next stage. Mr Suhrawardy said by 12 noon he realized the

situation was very bad. Was he not still the Chief Minister of Bengal? What

did he do at that time? Why was not the military called out at that time? I

have got here a circular issued by the military for the information of its

officers and employees in which clear information is given that the military

was ready to come out on Friday noon but it was not asked to do so. e

civil police failed to protect the life and property as it was expected to do

and whenever the military was asked to come out, it came out and it did

whatever it could do. But, alas, thousands had been killed meanwhile and

crores of rupees looted!

On Friday Mr Suhrawardy knew that trouble had broken out—no matter

whether the Hindus were the aggressors or the Muslims were, why did he

allow the whole city to be placed at the mercy of goondas, dacoits and

murderers? Why did he allow the meeting at all to be held at the maidan in

the afternoon over which he presided? He stands charged with the

deliberate offence of having played havoc with the life and property of the

citizens of this great city, no matter whether they were Hindus or they were

Muslims. On Friday night he gave a message to the Associated Press that

the condition in the city had improved. Does he remember it? It seems that

the Associated Press went to the next day’s newspapers. I would ask my

friends to forget for the time being that they belong to the Muslim League.

If Mr Suhrawardy says ‘no’, here, Sir, is the statement of Mr H.S.

Suhrawardy, Chief Minister of Bengal—I suppose that is the gentleman

sitting over there (laughter) interviewed by the Associated Press of India to

the effect that the situation was improving. (Uproar) (A voice from the

government benches: What paper?) Every newspaper. (Renewed uproar.) I

would ask my friends that they must observe the rules of the game and

fairplay even in a discussion like this. Why don’t you ask the Chief Minister

to explain this?

Mr Speaker, you can certainly look into it. I am not afraid of the truth. Yes,

Sir, (Sent the paper to Mr Speaker.) I can produce it to anyone who wants

to see it. Now, Sir, Section l44 is supposed to have been promulgated on

Friday but was never enforced.

 S d h f d d b h S

en on Saturday the curfew order was inaugurated, but neither Section

144 nor the curfew order was enforced. How is it that in spite of Section

144 and the curfew order people were moving about committing loot and

plunder, and murder even? How is it that within a stone’s throw, Mr

Ispahani has pointed out, from Lalbazar police station shops were looted,

people were murdered and all sorts of offences were committed without the

Police moving an inch?

Of course, you are responsible. If you have got the guts to say that you are

not responsible, let us know that. Now, Sir, that was on the 16th and 17th

August. Later on what happened? Mr Suhrawardy knows it very well that

he was telling a double-faced lie. On the 23rd he issued a broadcast

message, a message of peace for the people of Bengal and within half an

hour of that he sent out a special message for the foreign press through

foreign correspondents and the things which are mentioned in that

document are entirely different from the broadcast message which he issued

to the people of Bengal. Can he deny that? (A voice from the Government

Benches: at is obvious). He has stated that the Hindus have started the

riot. (e Hon’ble Mr H.S. Suhrawardy: Certainly.) He has said that it is

the Hindus, who are to blame. He said it was the British Government

which was to blame. Say ‘certainly’ (laughter) and lastly, he said that he

cannot yet tell what will happen in future if the Interim Government

continues in office. Now, Sir, if that is the remark which he wanted to make

on that day what was the use of his appealing to the people of Bengal for

peace and harmony and saying ‘I have kept an open mind and I would like

Hindus and Muslims to work together’. Can history give us a better

example of a double-faced minister?

Sir, there are two matters here which may be mentioned. Mr Suhrawardy

said that he could not control the Commissioner of Police because he was

not under his orders. I shall give you, Sir, one instance out of many which

are available from which it will appear how Mr Suhrawardy interfered with

the administration of the police offices in a manner which was unworthy of

any Home Minister of any Province. In the Park Street police station about

seven goondas were taken by a European Inspector on Sunday evening.

Sir, that is the remark which Mr Suhrawardy has made namely, ‘I am sorry

you are a goonda then.’ I do not know who they are. ese persons were

found with looted properties. If Mr Suhrawardy says that Muslim

l k l d I h ll b d h d h

gentlemen took away looted properties I shall bow down my head to him,

but if he says that I am a goonda then I too can say that he is the best

goonda that is available not only in this Province but throughout the world.

(Uproar)

Sir, I shall withdraw it as soon as Mr Suhrawardy withdraws what he has

said about me. (Cries of ‘withdraw, withdraw’ from the government

benches). Let him withdraw first, what he first has said about me.

Now I withdraw too. Now, Sir, let me pass on. So far as the Park Street

incident is concerned, the important point is that goondas or gentlemen

whoever they were, seven Muslims who were found in possession of looted

properties were brought into Park Street police-station by a European

Inspector. Within ten minutes Mr H.S. Suhrawardy appears on the scene.

He gets these persons released. It is on record. Let him deny that. (e

Hon’ble Mr H.S. Suhrawardy: Yes). (Cries of ‘shame, shame’ from

Congress benches.) en he comes back (Mr H.S. Suhrawardy: Oh! no).

is is the way, Sir, in which Mr Suhrawardy has behaved. is is one

instance I am giving. (Cries of ‘you have cooked it’ from government

benches). No, I have not cooked it. He himself has admitted it.

en, Sir, the Muslim League party wanted 500 gallons of petrol from the

Bengal Government. at was not granted, but petrol coupons were issued

in the name of individual ministers—general coupons—100 gallons being

issued in the name of the Chief Minister. Evidence is available that these

coupons were used by lorries moving in the streets of Calcutta on those

fateful days. at is how arrangements were being made under the very nose

of the Home Department over which Mr Suhrawardy was presiding. Can

Mr Suhrawardy deny that he himself went to Howrah accompanied by

some Muslim League leaders, met local officers in authority there, and had

chastized and taken them to task because Muslims were not protected

there? Can he deny that? Did Mr Suhrawardy give in any place or at any

time the same sort of protection to the suffering Hindus. (e Hon’ble Mr

H.S. Suhrawardy: Certainly). Now, Sir, it is quite clear that at least I have

said some home truths which have made my friends opposite angry and

impatient.

Sir, they, these ministers, have taken oath of allegiance to the British Crown

and they are responsible for the life and property of all alike. My friend, Mr

Muhammad Ali, admitted this very candidly when the adjournment motion

ll d b k h H M S h d

was not allowed to be taken up in this House. Mr Suhrawardy is a great

Muslim League leader and he owes his allegiance to the Muslim League.

e Muslim League rightly or wrongly ordered that if something does not

happen to its liking, it was going to resort to direct action. One cannot serve

two masters. Sir, it has been proved beyond doubt that Mr Suhrawardy and

his other Ministers are unable to administer the affairs of this Province

impartially and efficiently. ey have failed hopelessly and wretchedly and

on that ground alone they are not fit to occupy offices for a single moment

(Interruptions).

Sir, it is not in Calcutta alone that atrocities were committed in a large

scale, but we find that troubles are spreading now in the whole of Bengal.

e information which is coming from different parts of Bengal would

make one shudder to think as to what will happen to this province. ese

gentlemen, the ministers over there, should not remain in charge of the

affairs of this province even a day longer. (Interruptions) If they remain in

office the future would be darker still. (Interruptions) e Council of Action

of the All-India Muslim League has ordered that preparations have to be

made for giving effect to the Direct Action Program. Already Muslim

League leaders from the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province and also

Sind have openly declared that they are ready with their scheme which can

be put into operation at 24 hours’ notice. Am I to believe that the Muslim

League in Bengal which is a stronghold of Mr Jinnah’s Muslim League is

not similarly prepared to give effect to the order of the Muslim League

when the occasion demands it? In other words, my charge is that the

present Ministry is utilizing the government machinery for the purpose of

launching upon a Direct Action scheme. (e Hon’ble Mr H.S.

Suhrawardy: No). Mr Suhrawardy is playing a dual role and this dual role of

Mr Suhrawardy and those who are supporting him has got to be exposed

and brought to an end in the interest of peace and tranquility.

Why does not the Chief Minister get the reports of the Commissioner of

Police through the Criminal Investigation Department as regards some

meetings which took place in the city? Mr Suhrawardy has perhaps got the

proceedings confidentially of the meetings which were held in the cities

where League leaders were invited to attend for the purpose of preparing

scheme for direct action. If he has got any report about what happened on

the 16th, he will find that even when the Calcutta maidan meeting was

being held, over which Mr Suhrawardy presided, disturbances had broken

l l N h h d h W h h

out in several places. Now what happened in that meeting? Was there then

any CID officer present taking down notes? Where are those notes?

Sir, it was an astonishing fact that a gun shop within 2 minutes walk from

the Government House had been looted. Not a single policeman turned up

in the streets to control the situation in any part of the city. It will not help

merely making the Commissioner of Police a scapegoat, it is suggested that

the city had been ablaze in so many places that the Commissioner of Police

did not know how to act. But surely Mr Suhrawardy knew how and when

to act. (e Hon’ble Mr H.S. Suhrawardy: Yes, yes). Mr Suhrawardy says

that he knew and we also know when he acted. If he had failed without

making any effort, then he is charged with criminal negligence and if he

failed in spite of efforts, he is certainly inefficient and worthless, and he

should not be kept in that position any longer. ere is no place for him in

the ministry.

Sir, there is one point which I would like to say with regard to the Britishers

in this House. My friends are remaining neutral. I cannot understand this

attitude at all. In a situation such as this they must decide if the ministry

was right or the ministry was wrong. If the ministry was right, support

them and if the ministry was wrong, you should say so boldly and not

remain neutral merely sitting on the fence which shows signs of abject

impotence (Laughter).

My friend, Mr Gladding, said that luckily none of his people were injured.

It is true, Sir, but that is a statement which makes me extremely sorry. If a

single Britisher, man or woman or a child, had been strong enough they

would have thrown this ministry out of office without hesitation, but

because no Britisher was touched so they can take an impartial and neutral

view! Are they so sure they will be left untouched next time? ere is no

question of partiality or impartiality here. e present administration has

failed and it must come to an end. Anyone who remains neutral is an aider

and abettor.

I would ask my friends, what about the future. Pakistan will not be accepted

under any circumstance. (Mr Fazlur Rahman: It will be accepted). Mr

Suhrawardy said in Bombay after the 16th of August, ‘When a nation fights

against another nation I cannot guarantee civilized conduct.’ If you are a

nation fighting against us, another nation, if that is the attitude of my

friends on the other side, then they cannot remain in office any longer.

(C f ‘H h ’ f h O B h ) M S h d

(Cries of ‘Hear, hear’ from the Opposition Benches). Mr Suhrawardy must

realize that his office is meant for the good of the entire people of Bengal

irrespective of caste, creed and religion, and not for his own so-called

‘nation’. I would say, Sir, that is an abject treachery to the great

responsibility that rests on Mr Suhrawardy, as Premier (Interruptions).

Apparently I said many good things, otherwise my friends would not be so

jubilant. e Chief Minister was dancing the other day on the polished

floor of a Delhi Hotel and I have made my friends dance on the floor of this

House. I will now say a few words in connection with the future. What

about the future? My friends, the Muslims, say that they constitute 25

percent of India’s population, and that is so big a minority that they will

never agree to live under 75 percent Hindu domination. Now if that is their

honest and genuine point of view how can they expect that 45 percent of

the Hindu population of this Province will ever agree to live under a

Constitution where that particular nation represented by Muslims,

constituting only of 55 percent, will alone dominate? (e Hon’ble Mr

Shamsuddin Ahmed: at is how the trouble began). I will not today enter

into controversies as regards the real population of Bengal. I claim it that if

a proper census is taken even today the Hindus will not be in a minority but

that question cannot be settled by argument from one side or the other. My

Muslim friends who are well-organized under the banner of the Muslim

League have got to realize that if Bengal is to be ruled peacefully it can be

done only with the willing cooperation of the two communities. I am not

talking of all India politics for the time being. (e Hon’ble Mr

Shamsuddin Ahmed: Why not? What has happened to all India politics?) I

would make this appeal to my friends that a choice has to be made by the

Hindus and the Muslims together. ere is no way out of it because what

we witnessed in Calcutta was not an ordinary communal riot: its motive was

political, but things may become even far more serious and drastic in the

days, weeks and months to come. Now, if the Muslims of Bengal under the

leadership of the Muslim League feel that they can exterminate the Hindus,

that is a fantastic idea which can never be given effect to: three and a half

crores can never exterminate three crores nor can three crores exterminate

three and a half crores.

Now, Sir, if it is said that civil war will break out throughout India, will that

help anyone, will that help, in particular, 25 percent. Muslims throughout

India as against 75 percent of Hindus and other non-Muslims. It is not a

f h ll f f l E h

question of threat at all; it is a question of facing a stern reality. Either we

have to fight or we have to come to some settlement. e settlement cannot

be reached so long as you say that one community will dominate over the

other, but it can only be reached by a plan which will enable the vast

majority of Hindus and Muslims to live under circumstances which will

give freedom and peace to the common man. After all, forget not who

suffered most during the Calcutta Killing. It as mainly the poorer people,

both amongst the Hindus and the Muslims. Ninety percent of them were

poor and innocent and if the leaders lose their heads and go creating a

situation which they cannot ultimately control, the time will soon come

when the common man will turn round and crush the leaders instead of

being themselves crushed. It is therefore vitally necessary that this false and

foolish idea of Pakistan or Islamic rule has to be banished for ever from

your head. In Bengal we have got to live together. We say as a condition

precedent this ministry must go. Only then can we create a state of affairs

which will make it possible to build a future Bengal which will be for the

good of all, irrespective of any caste, creed, or community